May 4, 2024
Opinion | The ‘major questions’ doctrine gives the Supreme Court too much power

Opinion | The ‘major questions’ doctrine gives the Supreme Court too much power

According to George F. Will’s July 4 op-ed, “From Barrett, a finger wag to executive overreach,” the “major questions doctrine,” as articulated by Justice Amy Coney Barrett in the student loan case, “has emerged organically from judicial reasoning about executive overreaching that is encouraged by Congress underperforming its duty to be clear.” But Mr. Will ignored that the doctrine substitutes extreme judicial overreach for purported executive branch excesses. The Supreme Court’s right-wing majority — including Justice Barrett — has yet to articulate any clear, objective standards for determining when a rule is “major” enough to trigger the intense judicial skepticism (if not outright result-orientation) the doctrine prescribes. Accordingly, it gives license to any five members of the court to jettison any environmental, public health or consumer protection regulations with which they disagree simply by declaring them “major” and then saying that Congress did not speak with ideal specificity — even when the plain language of a statute encompasses the executive branch action.

At least when the executive allegedly overreaches in implementing a law, there is a fundamental check and balance built into the constitutional framework: elections. But when the life-tenured, unelected members of the Supreme Court do so, it is well nigh impossible for corrective action to be taken — especially in view of the congressional dysfunction to which Mr. Will alluded. Far from restoring “constitutional equilibrium” (as Mr. Will asserted), the major questions doctrine seriously subverts that balance by giving the least representative branch of government extraordinary power to dictate (or nullify) public policy.

Eric Glitzenstein, Washington

The critique of the student loan forgiveness decision would not be so vehement if the major questions doctrine did not arrogate all power to the court.

It is not lost on Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. that Congress lacks the institutional alacrity to legislate in real time to counteract the Supreme Court’s ruling even when it flies in the face of the literal text of the statute. One might not agree with forgiving student loans (and I’m not sure that I do); however, the breach of the court’s own procedures is untenable in this case.

If the Missouri Higher Education Loan Authority wanted to sue, it could have. No state had standing. The major questions doctrine, unlike all of the other doctrines cited in Mr. Will’s column, gives the court the power to decide policy issues. It is intentionally vague and is applied almost uniformly against Democratic policies.

There is no limiting principle to the sophistry reflected in this opinion and to the doctrine itself, regardless of one’s personal feelings on the outcome. The court needs to show its work. In not doing so, it has proved itself to be an emperor with no clothes.

Jeff Woldrich, Portland, Ore.

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