The Mail

Seeking Justice in Ukraine

Masha Gessen’s grim account of Russia’s war crimes in Ukraine makes plain the invaders’ brutal tactics (“The Law of War,” August 8th). More than two decades ago, I co-wrote a human-rights report on Russia’s atrocities in Chechnya—an early indication of Putin’s way of war. Gessen rightly asks whether punishments for such acts can ever fit the crimes, whether prosecutions can deter further atrocities, and whether victims can ever gain closure or adequate compensation. The piece suggests that quick prosecutions might bring about a more just end to the war in Ukraine. Yet there is another, equally profound, reason to pursue justice: doing so formally expresses to the world that such horrors cannot be inflicted with impunity.

Leonard Rubenstein
Professor of the Practice
Bloomberg School of Public Health
Johns Hopkins University
Alexandria, Va.

I admire Gessen’s reporting, and I generally share their skepticism about the likelihood of bringing to justice the Russians responsible for the war crimes and crimes against humanity being committed in Ukraine. As someone who has been deeply involved for four decades in the global struggle to hold perpetrators of such deeds accountable, I am disappointed in what we have achieved. Even so, I feel that Gessen slights the accomplishments of two of the instruments that were intended to serve this purpose: the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (I.C.T.Y.) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (I.C.T.R.). Gessen writes that some of the major war-crimes trials of the twentieth century “yielded only a few verdicts.” Yet the I.C.T.Y. was relatively successful: it indicted a hundred and sixty-one individuals. Some were acquitted, some were referred elsewhere, and some—such as the former Serbian leader Slobodan Milošević—died in custody. Ninety were sentenced. They include the wartime civilian leader of the Bosnian Serbs, Radovan Karadžić, and their military leader, Ratko Mladić. The I.C.T.R., in turn, indicted ninety-three people and sentenced sixty-two, including a former Prime Minister of Rwanda, Jean Kambanda. The tribunal also secured the first-ever convictions for genocidal rape, as well as convictions for inciting the genocide through radio broadcasts.

While these successes are worth acknowledging, it is undeniably a shortcoming that we fail to hold to account the largest and most powerful countries—such as China, Russia, and the United States. As Gessen indicates, bringing Russians to justice for their crimes in Ukraine represents a crucial test for the human-rights movement.

Aryeh Neier
Co-founder
Human Rights Watch
New York City

Sounds of Silence

I read with great interest John Seabrook’s article about making sounds for electric vehicles, or E.V.s (“On Alert,” August 8th). Although I learned much about how these soundscapes are made, I was disappointed that Seabrook did not mention the deaf and hard-of-hearing communities. The million deaf people in the U.S. typically cannot hear internal-combustion-engine vehicles, or even their horns—yet we manage to survive! Silent E.V.s put the public in the same precarious situation that deaf people have been in since the automobile was invented. Perhaps our perspectives, and the skills we’ve developed to protect our lives, could usefully inform the work of those thinking about the future of E.V.s—as well as heighten the awareness of anyone encountering these cars.

Madan Vasishta
Ellicott City, Md.

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